France isn’t happy with Jeb Bush — and the White House just got caught in the …

30 Oct 2015 | Author: | No comments yet »

Column: 3 Republicans embraced big government at debate and you missed it.

After the confab, Bush’s team distributed a 45-page PowerPoint presentation to select reporters, summarizing an optimistic view of the race, touting the Republican candidate’s cash and organization, and assuring supporters that early polls are rarely indicative of ultimate success.

I received a fundraising email from him today that said, “I am declaring war on the liberal media.” Liberal media and mainstream media are synonymous, generally defined by Republicans as “any media outlet that presents facts that prove we’re lying.” Even Democrats, when their lies are assaulted by reality, gripe about the mainstream media, but media-bashing has generally been a conservative avocation. Cruz and his fellow Republican candidates amped it up to a more bellicose level at Wednesday night’s GOP debate, lambasting the CNBC moderators for having the audacity to ask them questions. “The questions asked in this debate illustrate why the American people don’t trust the media,” Cruz said, rather than answer a serious question about his opposition to raising the debt limit. “The contrast with the Democratic debate, where every thought and question from the media was, ‘Which of you is more handsome and why?’” Hillary Clinton was asked: Will you say anything to get elected?; Do you change your political identity based on who you’re talking to?; How can you credibly represent the views of the middle class?; Do you regret your vote on the Patriot Act?; and, on Benghazi, Should you have seen the attack coming? News, spans 112 pages and includes a trove of new details, including Bush’s internal polling, his vote goal in Iowa and his advertising plan for January.

John Kasich took his shot, throwing up his hands and calling their proposals “crazy.” At the opening of Wednesday’s Republican debate he railed against the political outsiders’ ideas. Bernie Sanders was asked: How can any kind of socialist win a general election in the United States?; Do black lives matter, or do all lives matter?; and, Would you shut down the NSA surveillance program? With the tactic, aimed squarely at New Hampshire’s first-in-the-nation primary voters — many of whom are more moderate than those in other early voting states — Kasich hopes to emerge as the establishment GOP candidate of choice.

In the middle of a contest to attract conservative Republican primary voters, the two former governors and a sitting governor each took time out to endorse big government. Marco Rubio – that he’s the GOP’s Barack Obama – the complete offering contains more biting, detailed slights, pointedly questioning the character and ethics of Bush’s home state rival. Chief among them: Many Republican voters don’t think of themselves as “mainstream” any more, and polls have shown a growing number prefer an outsider candidate. Here’s what Huckabee said: “Instead of cutting benefits for old people, cutting benefits for sick people — why don’t we say, ‘Let’s cure the four big cost-driving diseases … diabetes, heart disease, cancer and Alzheimer’s?’ … “You want to fix Medicare?

On Wednesday night, Trump and Carson largely stuck together – furthering the divide between their candidacy and that of the race’s current and former officeholders. Doesn’t — doesn’t that ad write itself?” If mainstream journalists are, as Marco Rubio said during the debate, the Democrats’ “ultimate super PAC,” then they did a lousy job for the Democrats in that debate. While the slides released to the press highlight Bush’s Sunshine State endorsements and Rubio’s lack of experience, another page for donor edification gets dirtier. Eradicate those and you fix Medicare and you’ve fixed America, its economy and you’ve made people’s lives a heck of a lot better.” Unless Huckabee was talking about his magic wand, the former Arkansas governor is proposing a big government plan to fund disease research, something the United States already does to the tune of billions of dollars a year.

It’s titled “Marco Is A Risky Bet,” and it bullet-points Rubio’s “misuse of state party credit cards, taxpayer funds and ties to scandal-tarred former Congressman David Rivera.” When Rubio was a state lawmaker, he used the state party credit card for personal expenses, a decision he later called a mistake. Marco Rubio is using his youth and immigrant family history to avoid the “establishment” label, while knowing those GOP voters likely have him on their list. For Christie’s part, responding to a question about high drug prices, he argued that government prosecutors should go after the meany-mean companies that charge prices he doesn’t like. Chris Christie may be employing a similar “truth-teller” approach as Kasich, but on Wednesday he focused more on challenging CNBC moderators than his opponents.

The analysis by the conservative Tax Foundation shows people in the top 1 percent gaining 11.5 percent while middle-income earners range from 1.1 percent to 2.4 percent. Here’s what Christie said: “We don’t need Hillary Clinton’s price controls. … What we do, though, is, if there is somebody who is price-gouging, we have laws for prosecutors to take that on. Clearly, lamestream media operatives hacked the Tax Foundation’s website and doctored the data on Rubio’s plan. (You could also blame math, I suppose, but it’s not nearly as juicy a scapegoat.) Anyway, woe-is-me complaints about the media are one thing, but Cruz’s declaration of war (which oddly accompanied a request that I contribute to his “Million Dollar Money Bomb”) clearly represents an existential threat to me and my fellow journalists.

Therefore, be it Resolved by the Secret Cabal of Liberal Media Overlords that the state of war between the media and Ted Cruz, which has thus been thrust upon the media by Ted Cruz being a total jerk, is hereby formally declared. It will be a way of life.” Of course, if the New Jersey governor’s big government price prosecutors started throwing drug company execs in jail for charging high prices, it might make Huckabee’s plan for government to shower drug researchers with federal grants a bit more expensive and a lot less productive. The Bush team also mocks Rubio’s “tomorrow versus yesterday” argument as one that would be “widely ridiculed by media” should he run against the first potential female president. On a recent four-day swing through the Granite State, some voters praised his qualifications, while asking him how he could stop Trump. “He’s trying to be the adult in the room.

Rex Huppke, as a representative of the media, is hereby authorized and directed to employ the entire forces available to the media, including but not limited to: pens that can be waved in a menacing manner; paper-cut inducing notepads; barrels of ink; and limitless Internet space, to carry on war against Ted Cruz and to bring the conflict to a successful termination. That’s why Republican voters shy away from big government solutions: Even plans with the best of intentions have destructive consequences that undermine other important goals.

Indeed, some Republicans approached after the debate at the University of Colorado Boulder took issue with the notion of being considered establishment GOPers. “I don’t consider myself an establishment Republican, and I don’t think most voters do,” said Jimmy Kemp, son of the late New York congressman Jack Kemp, who was Bob Dole’s running mate in 1996. The campaign measured Bush’s favorability rating to be 59 percent, behind Carson’s 67 percent but closer to Rubio’s 62 percent, Carly Fiorina’s 60 percent and Trump’s 57 percent. I do think that, over time, when people step into that voting booth, I think people will make the right choice.” “Rubio is kind of making this about Rubio,” said GOP consultant John Feehery. “Kasich was aiming more at the fantasies being spun by his opponents.

Internal Bush polling also found that only a minuscule amount of voters had “firmly decided” on a candidate, but that Trump counted the most supporters who had made up their mind, at 9 percent. In the end, GOP observers agreed: Kasich should stick with the strategy, because it just might work. “Kasich is a good communicator, he’s got a good track record, he’s just got to stick with it and see what happens,” Feehery said. “If he can stick in there, he can be the last establishment man standing.” Somewhat surprisingly, Bush’s data found that national security and foreign policy (25 percent) ranked higher on the list of voter concerns than jobs and the economy (20 percent).

And when you have insider information, which apparently has been the case, where people use that information and use big data to try to take advantage of it, there has to be some regulation.” Realizing that he had just endorsed regulations three times in 60 words, sounding like Jan Brady in the process (“Marcia, Marcia, Marcia”), Bush tried to walk it back: “If they can’t regulate themselves, then the NFL needs to look at just, you know, moving away from them a little bit. And while a majority found Bush would strengthen the military “because he’s been endorsed by 13 Medal of Honor recipients,” a third of GOPers said Bush “unfortunately relies upon the same core military advisors that his father and brother used.” Bush also won high scores in all three early primary states for his governmental reform plans, which include a law that would dock the pay of members of Congress when they miss votes and hearings.

My instinct is to say, hell no, just about everything about the federal government.” Christie interrupted before Bush finished his thought, but the damage was done. When Bush was confronted with an issue he wasn’t perfectly prepared for, his instinct was to go for the standard issue big government answer: regulation. But the campaign also previewed the types of ads it would run, listing “Denisha,” a story about an African-American student who took advantage of Bush’s voucher program, as a potential spot.

Another pre-produced video called “Why I’m Running” is an upbeat, slickly produced package narrated by Bush himself that could hit the airwaves in a condensed version. The Hawkeye State has always been a lesser priority for Bush, who has struggled to connect with the heavily evangelical, highly ideological base there. While he currently averages just 6 percent in polling there, Bush’s vote goal, according to the document, is to attain 18 percent of the vote share, or about 23,700 votes. (About 120,000 Iowans participate in the GOP caucuses.) The campaign identifies just 1,281 known supporters in Iowa, even after making over 70,000 calls and collecting more than 5,000 emails through mid-October.

Some donors will inevitably begin shopping for another horse, advisers inside and out of the organization will gripe and finger-point about the strategy, and another bad round of polling is likely to drop as the calendar turns to November. The campaign was already fed up with the armchair quarterbacking from his backers, enough to devote one slide showcasing a quote in a news story from an anonymous donor mourning Bush’s “death spiral.” They’ll need that message to be heeded in order to make it to their fourth-quarter fundraising rollout, scheduled for Dec. 5 at the trendy Art Basel in Miami.

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