Romney adds a Florida commencement speech to spring schedule

22 Jan 2015 | Author: | No comments yet »

For Republicans, might makes right is back in fashion.

The most notable Republican reaction to President Obama’s State of the Union address Tuesday night did not come from official respondent Joni Ernst, the rookie senator from Red Oak, Iowa, with the camouflage high heels.

Former Massachusetts Gov. and 2012 GOP presidential nominee Mitt Romney will give the keynote address at Jacksonville University’s commencement in Florida on April 25, the school announced Wednesday. “We are delighted to offer our students the opportunity to hear from one of the leading figures in industry and public service of the past three decades,” said JU President Tim Cost. “Gov.With 2016 fast approaching, CBS Local takes a look at the potential Republican and Democratic presidential candidates looking to make a run for the White House.“The articulation of rationales have all been process articulations, and the important thing is to think about the substantive case for why Governor Romney ought to run again.” That is Lanhee Chen, quoted by Mary Kissel. Obama’s foreign policy “was based on the premise that if we were friendly enough to other people and if we smile broadly enough and press the reset button, then peace is going to break out around the world,” Romney said. Romney has established an outstanding track record of accomplishments, and is sure to offer insight and inspiration to our campus community.” In laying out Mr.

Chen was Mitt Romney’s top policy guru who was frequently criticized from within the Romney and Paul Ryan camps and from outside, concerned Republicans who saw a weak, mushy rationale for the 2012 campaign. On his Facebook page, Romney countered Obama’s speech by zeroing in on the president’s proposal to pay for $235 billion in middle-class tax breaks, as well as new spending on education and infrastructure, by raising taxes on capital gains and inherited assets for the very wealthy by $320 billion. “His tax proposal is a maze of new taxes and complexities,” Romney wrote. “The best way to lower the tax burden on all American families is straightforward: lower rates and simplify the tax code.” This reaction may seem entirely predictable—after all, Romney spent his entire 2012 presidential campaign calling for across-the-board tax cuts that independent analysts found would disproportionately benefit the top 5 percent of taxpayers. Romney’s biography, the university noted that as Massachusetts governor, he “passed landmark health care legislation for his state and helped eliminate a $1.2 million budget deficit.” His support for the state’s health care law, which some have credited for laying the foundation for Obamacare, could once again be an issue for GOP primary voters if Mr. What’s striking about Romney’s reaction, though, is precisely that it is such a rehash of his 2012 stance at a time when he has been seeking to recast himself as a different sort of Republican, one far more concerned with poverty, inequality, and middle-class wage stagnation.

Bush found himself making in 2002, when he was trying to explain how 9/11 could have happened, and also where conservatives found themselves in the twilight of the 1970s, when detente seemed to shift the axis of the world eastward. At a GOP gathering last week in San Diego, Romney lamented that, “Under President Obama, the rich have gotten richer, income inequality has gotten worse, and there are more people in poverty than ever before,” and called for Republicans to tackle the “scourge of poverty.” The GOP’s new anti-inequality platform has one problem: The party remains committed to fighting solutions that would come at the expense of the wealthiest Americans.

He is also scheduled to speak at Mississippi State University later this month, which also mentioned his signing into law “a private, market-based reform that ensures every Massachusetts citizen will have health care insurance” in its announcement. Tickets, from $19.50 to $39.50, at ArtTix. • The documentary “Sol LeWitt,” examining the life and career of the renowned conceptual artist and designer, screens at the Utah Museum of Fine Arts, 410 Campus Center Drive, University of Utah campus, Salt Lake City. But when President Bush drew upon this support to make war with Iraq, and the result was chaos, and not the discovery of WMDs, the Might Makes Right faction in Republican politics took a blow. The former Florida governor appeared to be the early favorite to win the Republican presidential nomination before Romney started creating 2016 rumbles.

External events, and surprises, surely push the pendulum of public opinion in one direction or another, but it inevitably swings back to the center of gravity. Because the public perceives what Brookings’ Bill Gallston calls “an arc of crises” from Europe to North Africa and throughout the Middle East, with the U.S. seeming unable to influence their disposition, Republicans sense opportunity.

It’s an experience that will always hold a very special place in my heart, but I wouldn’t put myself or my family through it again for anything in the world. The libertarian senator from Kentucky is already taking shots at Romney, saying that the former Massachusetts governor had his chance and it’s time for someone new. Just look at what has been the first order of business for Republicans after they won full control of Congress for the first time in eight years this past fall.

It’s not expanding the earned income tax credit, but rather pushing a Wall Street wish list for tweaks to weaken the Dodd-Frank financial reform law of 2010. Are you really (to paraphrase Fritz Kraemer) “so weak of will that you accept no risks and want to intervene with real force only when no sacrifices can be required?” Politicians who project strength at all cost tend to win these contests, even though Americans are operationally much more skeptical of actually intervening then they appear to be. Bill Clinton calls this the tendency to embrace “strong and wrong” over “smart and right.” Surprises and shocks can move the needle a bit, but this preference is pretty stable. Before 9/11, Democrats and Republicans might have disagreed about foreign policy and the conduct of the Cold War, but the sources of contention were not generally ideological as much as they were generational and practical. It is Bush who is actually talking about poverty and upward mobility: “We need to create economic opportunity for every American, especially middle class families and those trying to rise out of poverty.

In 2002 and 2004, after the rally effect died down, the Republicans deliberately linked their political opponents to the ideological misjudgments of their enemies. Having my hypothetical abortion discussed on television and in newspapers because of my father’s response to a reporter’s question about what he would do if I became pregnant. Talk all you want about restoring shared prosperity, Obama is saying, but this is the kind of reform it will take to bring balance to an economy that has gotten so top-heavy and out of whack.

The proposal will implicitly admonish not only Republicans but also Hillary Clinton, should her own Wall Street sympathies and upper-bracket aspirations keep her from adopting an aggressive platform to tackle inequality. That they could do this and get away with it might well give media critics something to write theses about for decades, but the simplest explanantion is that the Republicans did it because the party leadership figured out what their base believed and stuck to it like leeches stick to blood. These are the real stakes at play, Cannon and Obama both recognize, and they haven’t changed just because Romney and a handful of GOP presidential hopefuls have decided it’s time to show a new, more caring face.

A large number of liberals (anywhere from pluralities to majorites in polls) do not support President Obama’s counter-terrorism strategy when it’s described to them. Your clothes, your more colorful extended family members, the way you talk, if you’re too edgy, if you aren’t edgy enough, what music you listen to, where you live, who you hang out with. Even if he loses the nomination, he’s still very young and popular within Republican circles and would try his hand again at the White House down the road. If the economy remains strong and the Affordable Care Act becomes more popular, the best argument for change is that Obama, with Hillary Clinton’s essential help, squandered American power by trusting too much in feckless international institutions and too little in America’s innate superiority.

Seemingly traveling nonstop as Obama’s secretary of state his first four years in office, Clinton hit the book and speaking engagement trail in almost pseudo campaign stops. She says she will be making an announcement early this year about what her intentions are for 2016, but it seems pretty clear that she has a clear shot to the Democratic nomination. It is not just a rejection of your personal beliefs on the direction of your country that your parent personifies, it is a rejection of your entire family unit.

The popular senator from Massachusetts has consistently said she would not run, despite many Dem officials thinking she could make a dent in the primaries. When you believe in someone you love, and believe that they can change history and make your country a stronger, better place, it trumps everything else.

Especially given that this time will most likely be harder than the last, not easier, and a lot of people in the party are looking for new, fresh blood to inspire voters.

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