When Donald Trump hated Ronald Reagan

27 Oct 2015 | Author: | No comments yet »

Carson overtakes Trump in first national poll.

Donald Trump dinged fellow presidential candidate Ben Carson on Tuesday for his Medicaid and Medicare proposals, minutes after a national Republican poll came out showing the retired neurosurgeon leading him for the first time.In 2016, there are 14 Republican presidential candidates for whom Ronald Reagan is both the benchmark for conservative values and the lodestar of conservative ideas.

The success of Donald Trump and Ben Carson have turned the members of the GOP elite into anthropologists, struggling to understand those ordinary Republicans who now resemble an exotic and hostile tribe. “I have no feeling for the electorate anymore,” George H.W.The Republican Party is in the midst of an ideological insurrection that has mainstream conservative candidates for president languishing in the single digits. In the CBS/New York Times poll, Trump trails Carson 26 percent to 22 percent, well within the margin of error and well above the next closest competitor in Florida Sen.

There’s also one who wrote, in the second to last year of Reagan’s presidency, that he had been “so smooth, so effective a performer” that “only now, seven years later, are people beginning to question whether there’s anything beneath that smile.” The gadfly was Donald Trump, writing in his book The Art of the Deal. Bush’s former chief of staff John Sununu told the New York Times last Saturday. “Their priorities are so different that if I tried to analyze it I’d be making it up.” On Monday, Politico quoted a GOP donor from Florida who fretted that, “I look at this party now, and I hardly recognize it. Chris Christie recently made on the presidential campaign trail saying he would work to “fix” the U.S.’s affordable housing system if he’s elected to the White House. Ever since Trump’s presidential bid caught fire, Republican strategists have wondered how he would react if he began to slip in the polls he so loves to cite.

But it wasn’t just a glancing blow; to promote the book, Trump launched a political campaign that tore into Reagan’s record, including his willingness to stand up to the Soviet Union. In this two-person race, Trump was asked why Republican voters should pick him over Carson, who had prevailed in four straight Iowa polls before Tuesday morning’s results. “Because I will make the best trade deals, I will be strongest and best on the military, I will get rid of Obamacare. Another tie Republican presidential frontrunner Donald Trump has to the Garden State is his time in the mid-1980s as owner of the New Jersey Generals of the USFL — a time that still draws controversy.

These far-right congressmen’s self-declared commitment to ideological purity was so fearsome, in fact, that the GOP spent weeks trying to find someone, anyone, who might dare to wield the speaker’s gavel over them. You know, Ben wants to knock out Medicare, I heard that over the weekend,” Trump remarked on MSNBC’s “Morning Joe,” an apparent reference to a recent POLITICO article on Carson’s health policies. “I think abolishing Medicare, I don’t think you’re going to get away with that one.” In an interview with “Fox News Sunday” earlier this week, Carson defended his proposal to unwind the two popular programs and replace them with savings accounts.

In the text, which was addressed “To the American people,” Trump declared, “There’s nothing wrong with America’s Foreign Defense Policy that a little backbone can’t cure.” The problem was America’s leading role in defending democracy, which had been fulfilled by Republicans and Democrats all the way back to FDR. I don’t mean what makes a conservative pragmatically different from a liberal or progressive, because the answer is obvious: less government regulation of the economy instead of more, lower taxes instead of higher, and so forth.

Armed Forces in New Jersey to obtain perks reserved for veterans and active duty servicemen and woman will be hit with prison time and a steep fine under a bill Christie signed into law. • More than 40 advocacy and labor groups are urging New Jersey lawmakers to oppose any deal that cuts the state estate tax in exchange for a gas tax hike. • The U.S. Foreshadowing his 2015 argument that would have Mexico pay for an American-built border wall, Trump then said that the United States should present its allies with a bill for defense services rendered.

What makes these positions pragmatic is that they are based on empirical claims about what works better in the real world — which means they are open, at least in theory, to empirical refutation. Transportation Department is spending $16 million on projects leading to replacing the century-old Portal Bridge, a key rail link along the Northeast Corridor for trains heading between New York and New Jersey.

I would provide people with an alternative,” Carson explained. “I think they will see that the alternative that we’re going to outline is so much better than anything else that they will flock to it.” “You look at different things having to do with Ben and there’s a lot of contradiction and a lot of questions. He’s also a lobbyist who earned north of $600,000 last year representing, among other clients, the for-profit college industry, which has been trying to avoid regulations aimed at ensuring that colleges don’t sucker students into taking out massive debt for a degree that won’t get them a job. The reason why this almost never happens is that something deeper is at play: ideological commitments, a comprehensive moral outlook, something more fundamental that separates conservatives from their liberal opponents.

Watching how he handles an adverse moment, particularly against a rival who enjoys a highly favorable image among Republicans, could prove significant for GOP voters. The thing with these polls, they’re all so different, they’re coming from all over the lot where one guy’s up here and somebody else is up there or you see swings of 10 and 12 points and you know, like, immediately, the same day,” Trump remarked. “So right now, it’s not very scientific. In a town hall aired Monday on NBC’s “Today” show, Trump said he doubted the accuracy of polls showing him behind. “I think I’m winning in Iowa,” he said. “I don’t believe I did fall behind.” “It’s not been easy for me. But I tell you what, folks, we can ask in such a way that they’re going to give it to us — if the right person’s asking. … The Japanese, when they negotiate with us, they have long faces. What they want, Politico explains, is “tangible evidence that the product they’re investing in is going to pay dividends.” The Trump and Carson phenomena are not the same.

The experience reinforced what Trump already knew about manipulating the press corps, which then, as now, found him irresistible. (Audiences loved him too. But while Trump may disparage the polls that show him trailing, he has clearly begun taking Carson seriously as a rival, criticizing him on both substantive and personal grounds. While Republicans tend to back smaller government, Medicare is supremely popular with the majority of Republican voters, who are generally older than the rest of the electorate. That’s particularly true of the voters who form the core of Trump’s support, non-college-educated, blue-collar Republicans who like his outspoken nationalism and share his skepticism about immigration and free trade.

Liberals and conservatives do all of these things, although they disagree about the meaning of the Constitution, and about whether government has a significant role to play in regulating the economy (as liberals believe) or policing sexual morality (as conservatives believe). Trump has also accused Carson of being “low energy” — an accusation he previously threw at Jeb Bush — and has raised questions about Carson’s Seventh-day Adventist faith. “I’m Presbyterian,” Trump said at a recent campaign rally in Florida. “Boy, that’s down the middle of the road, folks, in all fairness. He once explained, with shocking candor, how political race-baiting had evolved since the 1950s. “By 1968 you can’t say ‘nigger’ — that hurts you, backfires,” he said. “So you say stuff like, uh, ‘forced busing, states’ rights,’ and all that stuff, and you’re getting so abstract. Now, you’re talking about cutting taxes, and all these things you’re talking about are totally economic things and a byproduct of them is, blacks get hurt worse than whites. … ‘We want to cut this,’ is much more abstract than even the busing thing, and a hell of a lot more abstract than ‘Nigger, nigger.’” Throughout the 1990s, Trump was occupied with rebuilding a fortune he had lost after his Trump Shuttle airline failed and two of his Atlantic City casinos went bankrupt.

Seventy-one percent prefer “limiting the amount of money individuals can contribute to political campaigns” rather than “allowing individuals to contribute as much money to political campaigns as they’d like.” Eighty-one percent think that “the way political campaigns are funded in the United States” requires “fundamental changes” or should be “completely rebuilt.” If these numbers are surprising, perhaps it’s because Republicans, unlike Democrats, speak more often in the language of culture and character than the language of class. A poll released Monday by Loras College in Iowa showed Carson beating Trump by 18 percentage points among those who identified as evangelicals but only 2 percentage points among those who did not. He wrote that Clinton should have refused to answer all questions about the Monica Lewinsky affair and declared that Americans didn’t really care about Clinton’s sexual escapades. Much of the book was taken up with a recapitulation of his life experience, which, he would insist, proved him ready to become leader of the free world.

Those concerns could be heard last week at a focus group in Indiana, sponsored by the Annenberg Public Policy Center, where a dozen Republican voters talked about their choices. He said any president should be a great negotiator who can make deals. “The dealmaker is cunning, secretive, focused and never settles for less than he wants,” Trump wrote. “It’s been a long time since America had a president like that.” Among the few policy nuggets in the book were some with a truly liberal tone. Virtually all expressed distaste — even disgust — for professional politicians, including Republican elected officials whom they blamed for failing to accomplish the goals for which they were elected. “Sometimes there isn’t time to pussyfoot around,” said John Couch, a 50-year-old self-employed party planner, explaining why he thought Trump’s directness could help the country. But doubts about the brash New Yorker came quickly to the surface as veteran pollster Peter Hart, the group’s moderator, asked participants to cite adjectives to describe Trump. He also favored a national health care system. “We must have universal healthcare,” Trump wrote. “Doctors might be paid less than they are now, as is the case in Canada, but they would be able to treat more patients because of the reduction in their paperwork. … The Canadian plan also helps Canadians live longer and healthier than Americans.

There are fewer medical lawsuits, less loss of labor to sickness, and lower costs to companies paying for the medical care of their employee. … We need, as a nation, to reexamine the single-payer plan, as many individual states are doing.” In that same book, Trump also proposed a one-time net-worth tax on the richest Americans (those worth more than $10 million) in order to reduce the federal debt. “By imposing a one-time 14.25 percent net-worth tax on the richest individuals and trusts, we can put America on sound financial footing for the next century,” he wrote. “The plan would cost me $700 million personally in the short term, but it would be worth it.” The Trump for President 2000 campaign featured his claim that “the only difference between me and the other candidates is that I’m more honest and my women are more beautiful.” He also complained of politicians who cited their humble origins. Asked at the end of the session to choose a single candidate to whom they would like to send a message, Phelps chose to offer Trump a piece of advice that spoke for many: “You’ve got great policies,” she said, “but tone it down.”

He mocked them for saying, in effect, “Elect me, I’m a loser.” Trump’s Reform Party bid ended with a whimper as he withdrew complaining that the people in the party were too hard-core right wing for his tastes. It presumes that life is a competition or race, that people are unequal in talent, drive, and ambition, and that those who end up on top deserve their victory and rewards — and those who come out on the bottom deserve their failure and hardships.

Bush, Trump actually registered as a Democrat in 2001. (He then returned to the GOP, and was listed on New York registration rolls as a Republican in 2009.) On October 5, 2010, Trump called in to MSNBC’s “Morning Joe” show to say he was “absolutely thinking about” running for president in 2012. Any attempt to overturn or even mitigate this moral order — whether through government regulation or changes in habits or assumptions in school or on the playground — amounts to an offense against justice itself. The most philosophically formidable versions of it can be found in Tocqueville’s account of the “soft despotism” to which democracies are prone and Nietzsche’s diatribe against the loathsome “last man” who lives for petty pleasures and considers it too much work to produce great works of art and culture. Less lofty forms of it fueled the social Darwinism that exercised such an influence on late 19th- and early 20th-century political and moral thinking. It’s not respected to anywhere near what it used to be.” Almost 40 years have passed since Donald Trump first began talking about how leaders in other countries have been outsmarting America and the nation was foundering due to poor leadership and a lack of backbone.

His upcoming book, Crippled America, is not likely to offer anything different; but in publishing it Trump will surely reap a profit in cash and attention. Preparation for a hostile and ever-changing external world gives way to the celebration of a self-satisfied inner world. “Finding ourselves” becomes more important than building a world. Leaving aside the obvious moral objections to fostering nostalgia for a supposedly lost world of struggle and suffering, the most striking thing about this outlook is how selective it is in its vision. Ideology always tends toward simplification of a complex world, but in this case whole swaths of contemporary American experience are denied or ignored.

Yes, helicopter parenting, campus speech codes, and calls for trigger warnings may point to a distressing increase in emotional fragility and an excess of concern with personal safety. I certainly don’t recognize my children’s experience in the description offered by the author of this American Interest essay or by my fellow customer in the barber shop. From school to sports to college applications to the job search to dating and hookup apps, meritocratic standards and expectations increasingly prevail, turning ever-more dimensions of social life into a ruthless competition that raises up some to glory and leaves many others crushed in the dust.

What remains to be seen is how many Americans share this selective vision and are ready to join a movement to make the country even more devoted to competition in all things, even more fixated on marks of achievement, even more indifferent to the plight of those who fail to win the race.

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