Why the GOP is the true party of 'free stuff' | us news

Why the GOP is the true party of ‘free stuff’

28 Sep 2015 | Author: | No comments yet »

As governor, Bush sided with campaign contributor on delaying Everglades pollution cleanup.

While other candidates are a lot crazier, Jeb Bush is clearly the most fumble-brained option in the presidential race. At a campaign event in South Carolina on Thursday, Republican presidential candidate Jeb Bush was asked how he planned to include black people in his campaign and get them to vote for him.Jeb Bush, appearing on Fox News Sunday, defended remarks about African-Americans and “free stuff” and also said implied people would regret running House Speaker John Boehner out of town. “I admire John Boehner greatly. He’s a great public service,” Bush said. “He left at the apex of his — of his time in service to this — to the country with the pope speaking in Congress.

Whether it was his call for “phasing out” Medicare, or his scorn for women’s health issues, or his claim that Asians are the real anchor babies, he’s got a serious case of foot-in-mouth disease. He can point to his record while governor of rolling back Florida environmental regulations — although one rollback in particular brought him sharp criticism from politicians from his own party.

I think people are going to miss him in the long run, because he’s a — he’s a person that is focused on solving problems.” Last week Democrats latched onto Bush’s comment that black voters couldn’t be attracted to the GOP by offering more “free stuff,” raising comparisons to something Mitt Romney said in 2012. “What we’ve heard is 6 million more people are in poverty today than the day that Barack Obama got elected president. Now he’s out with a fresh clunker, this time about how Republicans, unlike Democrats, won’t try to lure black voters with “free stuff.” Primary voting is months away, and already Bush is flirting with language that may have lost Mitt Romney the election. He received 7 percent of the vote, and billionaire businessman Donald Trump finished first with 26 percent. “It is a marathon, and we just started advertising,” he also said. “We’ve got a great ground game in these early states. Bush’s argument — that Democrats cynically use welfare to buy black votes and thereby trap them in a cycle of dependency — is seriously mistaken, as well as deeply hypocritical.

I’m confident I can win New Hampshire.” Bush also defended his remarks last week about Democratic and Republican candidates competing for the black vote, comments that have been compared to those made in 2012 by GOP presidential nominee Mitt Romney after his loss. “Our message is one of hope and aspiration,” Bush, a favorite among the Republican establishment, said Thursday in early-voting state South Carolina. “It isn’t one of division and ‘Get in line and we’ll take care of you with free stuff.’ ” “To the contrary,” Bush said. “I think we need to make our case to African-American voters and all voters that an aspirational message, fixing a few big complex things, will allow people to rise up. And it benefited Florida’s sugar industry, now a major donor to his Right to Rise Super PAC. “The sugar industry owns everybody in Tallahassee, and it doesn’t matter if you’re a Democrat or a Republican,” said veteran Audubon of Florida activist Charles Lee. “I can’t blame Jeb any more than all the other governors and legislative leaders who have buckled under sugar’s pressure over the years.”

Two thousand less dollars in Americans’ families in the — in disposable income. “This — this idea that you can regulate and tax and spend your way to prosperity has failed. Not only is there a supreme irony in this racial condescension that casts black people, whose free labor helped establish the prosperity of this country and who were systematically excluded from the full benefits of that prosperity for generations, as leeches only desirous of “free stuff,” this line of reasoning also infantilizes black thought and consciousness and presents an I-know-best-what-ails-you paternalism about black progress. It echoes the trope about lazy “welfare queens,” although as a report last year from the Congressional Research Service makes clear: “Historically, nonwhite women had a higher labor force participation rate than did white women.

This especially held true for married women.” Furthermore, although blacks are disproportionately the recipients of programs likes the Supplemental Nutrition Assistance Program, a 2013 report from the Center on Budget and Policy Priorities found that most households with at least one working-age, non-disabled adult receiving the benefit work, and of those with families, “almost 90 percent work in the prior or subsequent year.” The problem isn’t refusal to work, but inability to find work that is stable and pays a living wage, thereby pushing them out of need and eligibility. Bush’s comment also hints at the role of black men without acknowledging the disastrous toll racially skewed patterns of mass incarceration have taken on the fortunes of black families by disproportionately ensnaring black men. If you look at what the middle class pays today compared to what they would pay in our tax plan — BUSH: Because higher income people pay more taxes right now and proportionally, everybody will get a benefit. All history and context are cast aside in support of a specious argument: That the black community is plagued by pathological dependence and a chronic, self-defeating posture of victimization. The program, originally expected to take 20 years and cost $8.7 billion, mapped out a way to re-plumb the fading River of Grass with a system of pumps, levees, canals and wells that would make its flow mimic its original one.

In Bush’s book written two decades ago, “Profiles in Character,” he wrote: “Since the 1960s, the politics of victimization has steadily intensified. On Dec. 11, 2000, Bush stood next to then-President Bill Clinton as Clinton signed Everglades restoration into law. “He sensed that it was legacy stuff,” explained Allison DeFoor, a former Monroe County judge who served as Bush’s so-called Everglades czar. “If you’re from South Florida, you sense that (the Everglades) ties everything together — the environment, the economy, water, farming, jobs, you name it. … He really cared.” Bush’s Everglades success “is evidence it is possible to manage restoration of this national treasure in a fiscally sound way,” presidential campaign spokeswoman Kristy Campbell said, and shows how he’ll tackle similar problems as president. Many of the modern victim movements — the gay rights movement, the feminist movement, the black empowerment movement — have attempted to get people to view themselves as part of a smaller group deserving of something from society. Sugar and Flo-Sun had also been major contributors to both Bush’s Foundation for Florida’s Future and to the Republican Party of Florida, which bankrolled Bush’s successful 1998 campaign. At his 100th birthday party in 2002, then-Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott (R-Miss.) praised Thurmond’s 1948 run for president under a third party apartheid ticket. (Lott later resigned as leader after his comments were made public.) Democrats have not been the finest stewards of black fortunes, but it’s pretty obvious that they’re better than the alternative.

Runoff from sugar farms has long contained too much phosphorous, wiping out the sawgrass and spreading cattails, which are all wrong for the wildlife found in the Everglades. While Democrats support social benefits in a wishy-washy way, conservatives are absolutely obsessed with directing huge monetary benefits to their favored constituencies — namely, the rich. He blasted “large segments of white society” for being “more concerned about tranquillity and the status quo than about justice, equality, and humanity.” He slammed what he calls the “white backlash” for being the cause of black discontent and shouts for Black Power, rather than the result of it, calling it “merely a new name for an old phenomenon.” And he declared that true integration “is not merely a romantic or aesthetic something where you merely add color to a still predominantly white power structure.” You see, King wasn’t naïvely oblivious to structural racism and how it cloistered power and inhibited mobility and equality; he was acutely aware of it and adamantly opposed to it. In 2003, the industry deployed more than 40 lobbyists in Tallahassee to push a bill — unveiled halfway through the session — that said the water didn’t need to be clean by then.

Jeb Bush aims to pull the same trick, proposing another corpulent set of tax breaks — only this time, over half of the benefits would accrue to the top 1 percent alone. It also used language such as “to the maximum extent practicable” and “earliest practicable date.” The industry’s goal: push the cleanup deadline back to 2026. It became a steamroller that no environmental group could stop, no matter how often they called it the “Everglades Whenever Act.” (Among the House members who voted for it: future U.S.

Meanwhile, what passes for new policy in Republican circles — a child tax credit — is a government benefit for middle- and upper-class parents that carefully and deliberately excludes the poor. Good government types often rail against the blatant cronyism of Bush family politics — i.e., you give me hundreds of millions of dollars for my presidential campaign, and I’ll cut the capital gains tax so you can better loot your company — but making good policy isn’t as simple as being against patronage in general. As Francis Fukuyama points out in Political Order and Political Decay, Boss Tweed-style patronage politics can also be a first step towards an efficient, decent modern state. When he testified in favor of the delay at a committee hearing, a Times reporter pursued him through the Capitol seeking an explanation of his reversal.

There is no bright line between handing out jobs to one’s ethnic community in return for votes, and constructing a modern bureaucracy that provides universal social benefits like clean air and water, low crime, a safety net, and so forth. Cornered at last, Struhs blamed his flip-flop on what he called “political reality.” Influential Republicans in Congress, such as Appropriations Committee chairman C.W. The military, to defend the nation; Social Security, to provide for the retired and disabled; Medicare, Medicaid, and ObamaCare, to provide universal access to health care; various safety net programs like food stamps and the Earned Income Tax Credit, to keep people from destitution — these together, plus interest on the national debt, account for 84 percent of direct federal spending. Other nations with better versions of similar policies show that universal high-quality health care and an end to poverty are easily within our grasp. So the problem with Bush’s logrolling — and Republican policy in general — is mainly that it directs almost all the benefits to people who don’t need it.

District Judge William Hoeveler wrote that he was “deeply troubled” by the bill and dismayed it was passed so quickly that it “seemed calculated to avoid federal participation or public scrutiny.” In a subsequent interview the judge told the Times Bush was “a good man” but “I’m afraid he fell into the hands of those who don’t like the Everglades.” When he finally signed it into law — behind closed doors, outside public scrutiny — Bush called the bill “strong legislation built on good policy.” U.S. Sugar spokeswoman Judy Sanchez said last week that the 2003 law “has been a landmark success” because the amount of phosphorus flowing off the industry’s land has been cut every year. In 2012 he cut a deal with the Environmental Protection Agency to spend $880 million on filter marshes and other structures to clean up the phosphorus.

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